The U.S.-backed “ARAM Express” concept is gaining traction as a practical response to the clear weakness presented by the Strait of Hormuz, offering overland pipelines and new corridors to cut reliance on a single chokepoint. The idea pairs American leadership with Gulf partners to build multidirectional routes for oil, gas and petrochemicals that would give buyers and producers more resilience. With Washington visibly acting to secure shipping lanes under “Project Freedom,” policymakers are openly weighing long-term alternatives to shipping through Hormuz. The debate now centers on whether the global energy system will pivot from dependence on a narrow waterway to a distributed, allied network.
Policymakers are discussing a consortium approach that would let European and Asian buyers invest in pipelines and lock in long-term supplies, shifting some of the cost and risk onto consumers who need reliable energy. Richard Goldberg and others have driven the idea, pitching overland options that run west to the Red Sea and Mediterranean and south toward the Arabian Sea. Those new routes would reduce the proportion of seaborne oil forced through a single narrow passage. The practical appeal is obvious: multiple outlets mean fewer opportunities for a hostile actor to choke global flows.
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Washington’s efforts to protect shipping are already shaping the political conversation, and the White House is casting the issue as one of global economic stability. “The President will not allow Iran to hold the global economy hostage and undermine the free flow of energy,” said White House spokeswoman Taylor Rogers, describing the launch of “Project Freedom” as a humanitarian effort to restore navigation through the strait. That framing fits a Republican focus on protecting commerce and deterrence without hesitation. At the same time, diplomats and defense planners are quietly mapping alternatives so a single crisis can’t blackmail markets.
U.S. officials like Ambassador Mike Waltz are signaling that partners in the Gulf are receptive to rethinking routes and infrastructure. “I know our Gulf partners and allies are seriously thinking through that,” Waltz said when asked about long-term alternatives. “I know they’re looking at additional alternatives to frankly diversify their pathways and diversify their economies,” he added, underscoring practical moves to reduce exposure. These discussions are less about ideology and more about survival for economies that cannot afford supply shocks.
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Saudi Arabia has already invested in options that bypass Hormuz, turning planning into operational capability with its East-West pipeline to Yanbu on the Red Sea. “The East-West pipeline is strategic insurance,” Salman Al-Ansari said. “A Hormuz closure would be disruptive, but not paralyzing. Saudi Arabia has spent years reducing that vulnerability, and today it is uniquely positioned to absorb shocks and keep global flows moving.” That kind of redundancy is exactly what other states are being encouraged to build.
The UAE has also expanded capacity with its pipeline to Fujairah, showing that Gulf states are quietly hedging against maritime risk. But exposure is uneven: “If you’re Kuwait, you’re in a world of hurt,” Goldberg warned, pointing out states that lack alternatives. Qatar’s LNG export system remains heavily maritime dependent, and countries without land corridors will feel pressure to find partners or invest fast. That imbalance could redraw influence and trade leverage in the region.
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Experts suggest the current crisis is accelerating a breakdown of the old Gulf energy model centered on Hormuz. “The whole arrangement … it’s starting to expire,” Yonatan Adiri said, flagging economic and geopolitical shifts that produce new corridors and partnerships. “The UAE stepping away from OPEC is not just about production policy,” Adiri added, noting moves toward independent strategies and new alignments that reduce collective vulnerability. Those shifts create space for American and allied projects to lock in influence while improving global energy security.
Politics will remain the chief constraint, especially over sensitive transit routes that could touch Israel or other controversial partners. “As for routes involving Israel, even indirectly, the politics are extremely difficult under current circumstances,” Al-Ansari said. For now, the immediate effort is defensive: keep ships moving, protect markets, and buy time to build alternatives. If construction and diplomacy proceed, the region may become less dominated by a single chokepoint and more resilient to coercion.
